One Secular Democratic State

At the outset, we thank the campaign supervisors for their individual invitations to some members of The Constituent Committee for the “Popular Movement for Palestine One Secular and Democratic State” in order to sign the political program of the campaign. We inform you that we are responding to the invitation on behalf of the movement through the members of The Constituent Committee.

• Two-state solution and one state:

The text stems from the consideration the failure of the two-state solution is due to the intransigence of the Israeli occupation, which formed the basis for the text, along with the values of justice, liberation and democracy, which proved that the only way to achieve justice and lasting peace is to dismantle the colonial Apartheid regime in historic Palestine … to the end of the paragraph, Which gives an idea that the one-state choice comes in one form as response to the intransigence of the occupation, this may leave a wide gap as to some opportunistic people and groups with intertwined interests with the occupation or its supporters to participate in the campaign despite our prior knowledge that it is just desperate attempts to exert more pressure on the occupation and its supporters to continue negociations for the two state solution. Palestinian and PLO factions are proof of these trends, which we believe are harmful to all efforts to establish a national and humane option that will achieve justice and equality for all.

• One democratic-constitutional state:

The first item in the political program of the campaign speaks about a constitutional democratic state, whereas the earlier texts of the campaign linked the constitutional democratic system with the “bi-national” state, which sometimes hide behind the label “multicultural state”. In this new political program, the bi-national issue of the desired state has not yet emerged. Unfortunately, this political program has preserved the binational idea of this democratic state behind the label “multicultural state”.

Of course, we cannot but accept the principle of protecting minorities by confronting the majority through a constitutional system (and its executive tools), which is a supreme authority with wide powers, for example the freedom of parliament if the majority has passed laws that are unfair to a minority. Article 4 guarantees the protection of the constitution for the freedom of organization on national, ethnic and religious grounds. We can only emphasize that the invocation of this constitutional democracy is only aimed at giving up the democratic principle that is organically linked to the secular idea of ​​citizenship, witha democratic political system and a social system of a secular state. (Democracy as a political system organically linked to a secular civil system)

The democratic state cannot be truly democratic without being secular as well, and this will protect minorities as a society and individuals (for each member of these minorities) and grant them their cultural rights and freedom to practice their religious rights without allowing them to establish exclusive religious and / or ethnic political organizations.
The “civil” parties, organizations and institutions when represents religious, national or sectarian groups cannot be granted constitutional legitimacy in the name of the collective rights and freedoms protected by the Constitution, because they are absolutely incompatible with the principle of the neutrality of the state and its superiority over ethnic, linguistic, religious and national affiliations. Hence, we cannot agree with that constitutional democracy detailed on size of the bi-national state, which does not openly mention its name in this program. The bi-national state “went out of the door to get back from the net”. This return reflects the continuous presence of a Zionist narrative that has not yet been removed from the minds of someadvocates of a binational state.

• Right of return, rehabilitation and integration into society:
We believe that compensation for the suffering years of oppression, injustice and homelessness that they have experienced since the Nakba until the present moment is an inherent/inalienable right of all Palestinians, regardless of compensation for individual and group their properties that are difficult to restore.

• Collective rights:

There is a stark contrast between this paragraph and the previous paragraph, namely, the individual rights clause. It should therefore be enough to mention that the protection of collective cultural rights is complete, with emphasis on the rejection of all forms of religious political organization in order to guarantee religious freedom and practice and safeguard the freedom and rights of other religious groups.

• Migration:

This paragraph presupposes the need for the community to open the door of migration without any reference to immigration mechanisms and the selection of migrants, while we believe that the subject is premature and it is not necessary to address it from now, but in case of need to address it, must say that the issue of migration is linked to practical needs of building and renaissance of the state and society, as the conditions of migration are set up to serve the process of construction and development only, and without any religious, ethnic, or ideological considerations.

Therefore, in the light of the previous fundamental differences and based on our adherence to our stated and known document, we believe that our acceptance of the signing of the campaign program is linked to your clear and stated answers on three main points:
1. To be signed on behalf of The Constituent Committee of the Popular Movement of the State of Palestine, secular and democratic one.
2. The Constituent Committee shall have full powers, rolesand responsibilities on an equal footing with all the founding members of the campaign, from participating in the management of the advertising campaign and the right to express our opinion, to be informed about and participatein all current and future organizational, financial and political aspects.
3. The organizational mechanisms used within the movement, which include how to modify the campaign’s program, must be clearly indicated in the light of future consensus and dialogues, and periodic mechanisms should beestablished to present the various/different points of viewdirectly or in writing.
In the end, we look forward to more cooperation and joint action that respects each other’s program and protects freedom of opinion, and we look forward to more political and practical convergence.

Thank you all and keep well!
The Constituent Committee for the “Popular Movement for Palestine One Secular and Democratic State”